Homeworks academic service


The suppression and exploitation of black people in the u s essay

  • This form of racial oppression refers to discriminatory actions that are not directly backed by the legal powers of the state, but take place in widespread everyday social interactions;
  • A different pattern is evident for descendants of the indigenous peoples of North America and the Pacific Islands, who disproportionately report mixed-race ancestries.

Copyright notice See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. The racial and ethnic makeup of the American people is in flux. New immigrants from Asia and Latin America have added a large measure of cultural and phenotypic diversity to the American population in recent decades, just as waves of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe did a century ago Bean and Stevens 2003 ; Higham 1988 ; Lieberson and Waters 1988: Moreover, the boundaries between racial and ethnic groups are becoming blurred by high rates of intermarriage and the growing number of persons with mixed ancestry Lee and Bean 2004.

Descriptions and projections of the racial and ethnic composition of the American people appear kaleidoscopic, with varied accounts and interpretations. This interpretation the suppression and exploitation of black people in the u s essay consistent with the thesis of the declining significance of race and ethnicity in American society. These conflicting accounts arise, in part, because of differing ideological presuppositions, but also because racial and ethnic identities are not mutually exclusive or immutable Barth 1969 ; Alba 1999.

The US Census Bureau recently released population projections showing that non-Hispanic whites will no longer be the majority of the population in 2042 US Census Bureau 2008b ; Roberts 2008. Most media accounts of these forecasts neglect to report that whites as opposed to non-Hispanic whites are actually projected to remain the large majority upwards of 70 percent in 2050 of the US population for earlier accounts, see Pellegrini 2000 ; US Census Bureau 2004. Census Bureau projections by race are flawed, however, because they ignore the relatively high levels of intermarriage and the variations in racial and ethnic identities of mixed-ancestry descendants Hirschman 2002 ; Perlmann 2002.

More nuanced population projections, produced by the 1997 National Research Council Panel on the Demographic and Economic Impacts of Immigration, incorporate alternate assumptions about current and future trends in immigration, intermarriage, and identity choices Smith and Edmonston 1997: These projections, subsequently updated by Edmonston, Lee, and Passel 2002also show a decline in the proportion of non-Hispanic whites, although not as rapid as in Census Bureau projections.

Population projections by race are heavily dependent on the identity choices of persons of multiple racial and ethnic origins ibid.: Assuming current trends continue to 2050, about a quarter of Asian Americans and African Americans will have recent mixed ancestry, as will nearly half of all Hispanic Americans ibid.: These levels of racial and ethnic mixing and an increased awareness of multiracial ancestry are likely to reshape racial and ethnic boundaries in the coming decades.

Many Americans have multiple identities that reflect complex ancestral origins, tribal and communal associations, and varied ideological outlooks on race and culture. In general, people do not change their ethnicities as a matter of fashion, but they may emphasize different aspects depending on the circumstances. For instance, a person who identifies as Mexican among relatives might identify as Hispanic at work and as American when overseas.

A four part Guardian series on policing black men and women in America

A person of mixed heritage might be Native American in one context, but white in another. These possibilities exist in census data, just as they do in informal conversations and settings, because of the opportunities for varied responses to different census questions about race and ethnicity. In this article, we compare different accounts of the racial and ethnic composition of the American population and measure the degree of overlap of identities for the largest racial and ethnic groups.

Our analysis relies on responses to questions about race and ethnicity in the 2000 census, although we argue that these data should not be viewed uncritically.

Our interpretation draws upon a historical perspective and emphasizes the inherent subjectivity of census measures of race and ethnicity. Most Americans, except for recent immigrants, are probably descended from multiple geographic, ethnic, and racial origins. Even with strong sanctions against intermarriage, there is considerable historical, literary, and genetic evidence of ethnic and racial mixing among all of the peoples who have settled in the United States Davis 1991 ; Hollinger 2003 ; Gordon-Reed 1998.

  • Before the Civil War labor was the key to wealth in the South; after the war land was the key;
  • November 2017 Learn how and when to remove this template message The fourth social hierarchy is sexuality oppression or heterosexism;
  • Although a relatively modern form of resistance, feminism's origins can be traced back to the events leading up to the introduction of the Equal Rights Amendment ERA in 1923.

Yet, many Americans tend to downplay—or are unaware of—this complexity. America was a multiethnic and multicultural society from the outset.

Oppression

The original American colonies were formed during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as frontier societies composed of multiple founding populations Klein 2004: First among these were the indigenous peoples of North America, who were gradually displaced or absorbed by the more numerous European settlers and indentured servants from various parts of the world.

Africans were imported primarily as slave labor from the Caribbean and West Africa, although some arrived as indentured servants on terms similar to whites. In the middle decades of the seventeenth century, some blacks became free settlers, but by the close of the seventeenth century, slavery and African heritage became nearly synonymous Fredrickson 1981. With unbalanced sex ratios in frontier settings, large populations of mixed ancestry soon emerged, particularly in Southern colonies Davis 1991.

While some unions were the result of intermarriage or consensual liaisons, there was also widespread sexual exploitation of black women by white slave owners Fredrickson 1981: The ethnic and racial landscape became even more complex during the nineteenth century.

Continental expansion added lands that had been home to Native Americans and peoples of mixed indigenous and Spanish origin, and successive waves of immigration from Europe and Asia fueled the rapid growth of an increasingly diverse population.

Tracking the mixed and un-mixed descendants from these many threads is a theoretical possibility, but not one that can be easily accomplished with historical or contemporary data.

  1. Abraham Lincoln, before his murder, had recommended the speedy return of the southern states.
  2. Social oppression derives from power dynamics and imbalances related to the social location of a group or individual. This section needs additional citations for verification.
  3. Our interpretation draws upon a historical perspective and emphasizes the inherent subjectivity of census measures of race and ethnicity.
  4. Research and theory development on social oppression has advanced apace since the 1980s with the publication of seminal books and articles, [d] and the cross-pollination of ideas and discussion among diverse disciplines, such as.
  5. There are four predominant social hierarchies, race, class, gender and sexuality, that contribute to social oppression. Whatever their goals, they needed allies.

The problem is that the differential rates of settlement, natural increase, and intermarriage or sexual unions that produced progeny of mixed ancestry are largely unknown.

Small differences in assumptions about the relative magnitudes of these processes can lead to greatly different estimates of the ancestral origins of the contemporary American population. An even greater obstacle to describing the ethnic makeup of the American people is the assumption that most people are able and willing to accurately report the origins of their parents, grandparents, and more distant ancestors.

In many cases, knowledge of ancestral origins is passed along in families or communities, but in some cases these narratives are suppressed or simply lost to history.

As a result, the racial and ethnic composition recorded in censuses, surveys, and administrative records reflects a large degree of subjectivity and even speculation, in addition to actual patterns of genealogical descent. Methodological studies of census questions about race and ethnicity, for instance, show that responses are affected, often remarkably so, by the format of questions, the listed choices, and the examples included in questionnaire instructions Farley 1991 ; Hirschman, Alba, and Farley 2000.

In this article, we argue that responses to census questions about race and ethnicity measure identity, which is theoretically distinct from ancestry, the geographic origins of one's ancestors. While ancestral origins are potentially objective facts, identities are subjective articulations of group membership and affinity.

  • The original American colonies were formed during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as frontier societies composed of multiple founding populations Klein 2004;
  • Who would pay for them?

Ancestry influences identities, but its impact is mediated by a number of factors, including ethnic admixture blendingthe awareness and preservation of knowledge about ancestral origins, prevailing ideologies about race and racial divisions, and the number of generations removed from the arrival of immigrant ancestors.

With an awareness of these limitations, we offer an in-depth portrait of the racial and ethnic composition of the American population, circa 2000, framed within a historical perspective of how racial and ethnic identities have evolved in the United States.

For recent arrivals, especially from Asia and Latin America, we note the impact of immigration and report on the emergence of multiracial and panethnic identities.

  1. With the surrender of Confederate armies and the capture of Jefferson Davis in the spring of 1865, pressing questions demanded immediate answers. This process is most advanced for blacks and whites, who acknowledge relatively little ethnic complexity or detail and virtually no overlap with one another.
  2. It is the same damage evidenced in any poor community, but compounded by generations of neglect. Historians Debate No era of American history has produced hotter scholarly debates than Reconstruction.
  3. Railroads helped open the South's economy to national forces.
  4. When it is pointed out that a high percentage of blacks still lag far behind in household income and net worth, as well as in educational achievement, the not-always-unspoken assumption among many white people is that blacks just need to work harder, get off welfare and stop committing crimes. A great many Southern blacks moved north seeking a better deal.

For populations long resident in the United States, we examine reports of ancestry to assess the residue of historical patterns of ethnic blending and ethno-racial hierarchies. If race and ethnicity were purely cultural phenomena, with little attachment to stratification and political processes, we would expect the long-term outcome to be increasing racial and ethnic entropy—the gradual weakening and eventual disappearance of race and ethnicity as distinct groups with clear boundaries. Our analyses of the 2000 census reveal two patterns through which this increase in entropy can take place: By Americanization we refer to the replacement of detailed ethnic origins with simplified panethnic or racial categories, which are shaped and often reinforced by political and socioeconomic divisions.

US justice is built to humiliate and oppress black men. And it starts with the chokehold

This process is most advanced for blacks and whites, who acknowledge relatively little ethnic complexity or detail and virtually no overlap with one another. A different pattern is evident for descendants of the indigenous peoples of North America and the Pacific Islands, who disproportionately report mixed-race ancestries.

How race and ethnicity are measured Relative to other topics in the decennial census, race and ethnicity comprise a large portion of the questionnaire. As shown in Figure 1the Census 2000 long form, which was sent to 1 in 6 households, includes three subjective measures—race, Hispanic origin, and ancestry—plus related questions on nativity birthplace and language home language and English competence.