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A history of drug cartel in colombia and the us

This wealth—coupled with Havana's renowned hedonism industries of casinos, prostitution, and sex clubs—created a fertile location to test-market cocaine as a leisure drug.

Entrepreneurs in Bolivia and Chile began exporting cocaine to Havana for further distribution to the U.

By the mids, Havana had emerged as the nexus of this intercontinental cocaine trade. By driving out drug dealers, however, the Cuban Revolution transformed cocaine distribution.

  • It is believed that he employed gunmen and established two assassin training schools;
  • Jorge Luis Ochoa and his two brothers oversaw the distribution networks in Florida and California;
  • The marijuana trafficking complex proved critically important for the local economy in Colombia;
  • Evidence suggests Mexican DTOs are working in conjunction with American gangs to distribute products such as methamphetamines;
  • In 1976, between 14 and 19 metric tons of cocaine were smuggled into the U;
  • Mexico's Drug Cartels by Colleen W.

Smuggling corridors disappeared, as this network of traffickers based in Havana sought places of refuge throughout the Americas, from Argentina to set up operations near Bolivia to Mexico to establish distribution facilities and to Miami an important entry point to the lucrative U.

For its part, the illicit drugs trafficking complex in Mexico matured as it became increasingly integrated into local political and social structures. Commission on Narcotic Drugs, to the U.

The report focused on opium production in Mexico, noting the principal producing area covered nearly 6, square miles, numbered 4, fields with an annual production of 32 to 40 metric tons of opium.

During the year, the Mexican government was only able to eradicate fields, equal to 90 acres of fields, which paled in comparison to the 10, to 12, acres under production at the time. There were at least 12 clandestine labs that apparently processed half of the raw opium produced in Mexico into either morphine or heroin.

Traffickers utilized twenty to thirty airfields to facilitate the movement of these drugs into the United States. Air trafficking of drugs intensified in the coming years, prompting the Mexican government to postpone all commercial flights in the states of Chihuahua, Durango, Sinaloa, and Sonora.

By the s, officials estimated traffickers used some airfields in northern Mexico alone. The Rise of Colombia and the "War on Drugs: As traffickers became more sophisticated and demand increased, the U. Government declared a War on Drugs in June And while the United States devoted more resources to eradication, interdiction, and the extradition of traffickers, the level of drug violence in Latin America and the U.

This violence was one of the most tragic, unintended outcomes of American anti-drug efforts. Bythe epicenter of marijuana production shifted from long-dominant Mexico to Colombia, spurred on by a sharp rise in demand for marijuana in the U. After constant prodding by the U. The United States locked down the Mexican border while the Mexican state launched a campaign against its domestic producers. These policies inadvertently offered Colombian traffickers an opportunity to seize the marijuana market.

By the end of s, Colombia owned seventy percent of the marijuana reaching the United States from abroad. Colombia had a long history at the heart of regional contraband trade and smuggling.

This, and a tradition of tremendous political instability, contributed to its ascension to the global apex of the trafficking of illicit drugs. Fabulous inequality of the national wealth coupled with the success of the Cuban Revolution to inspire entrenched guerilla warfare. There were an estimated 12, to 15, guerilla combatants in Colombia by late s.

Left-wing violence produced right-wing responses, with a great expansion in the s, with some organizations, some of which contained retired and active military personnel. Violence became part and parcel of political life. The marijuana trafficking complex proved critically important for the local economy in Colombia. Between 30, and 50, small farmers along Colombia's Atlantic coast relied on marijuana cultivation. The system also included as a history of drug cartel in colombia and the us as 50, additional seasonal workers, traffickers, security, financiers, and others.

New moneyed drug elites married into local prominent families, attempted to bribe officials at all levels, and bought up legitimate businesses to launder cash. Unfortunately, as production and profits surged, so did the violence as police and judicial institutions waned. Cocaine distribution followed the networks established for the marijuana trade.

Here, political events in Chile also pushed the drug trade to Colombia. Chile became an important smuggling corridor after cocaine production in Peru was criminalized and Bolivia emerged as a center of coca production in the s.

And they took drug transportation to new levels. In the mids, Carlos Lehder and Jorge Luis Ochoa transformed the trafficking of cocaine into huge airlift operations. As a result, Miami—the principal port of entry—became a virtual war zone, with a homicide rate of seventy perin By comparison, the homicide rate for Miami was fifteen perand about six perin the U.

Byseventy percent of all marijuana and cocaine coming into the United States passed through South Florida. Inbetween 14 and 19 metric tons of cocaine were smuggled into the U. That number jumped to nearly 45 metric tons annually by Time Magazine's famous November lament, entitled " Miami: In response, Ochoa called together the leading traffickers to meet at his family restaurant.

There, all agreed that their wealth made them targets of the guerillas and paramilitaries.

Colombia producing more cocaine than ever before, UN figures show

A division of labor soon emerged. Jorge Luis Ochoa and his two brothers oversaw the distribution networks in Florida and California.

  1. Former combatants have committed to work with the government to convince farmers to replace coca crops with another way to make a living. The report focused on opium production in Mexico, noting the principal producing area covered nearly 6,000 square miles, numbered 4,500 fields with an annual production of 32 to 40 metric tons of opium.
  2. Left-wing violence produced right-wing responses, with a great expansion in the s, with some organizations, some of which contained retired and active military personnel. As a result, Miami—the principal port of entry—became a virtual war zone, with a homicide rate of seventy per 100,000 in 1980.
  3. In response to the violence, grieving families have criticized this frontal assault policy, much of which is underwritten by U.
  4. Some have formed civil-society groups that demand a rethinking of policy and argue that trafficking must be controlled, but not at the expense of the larger Mexican social fabric.

Carlos Lehder organized the air transport into the United States, using a Caribbean island as a stopover. The most infamous member of this cartel, Pablo Escobar, served as the muscle.

It is believed that he employed gunmen and established two assassin training schools. Traffickers contributed to political campaigns. Several, such as Lehder, bought radio stations and newspapers. Escobar created a welfare program, gave alms to the poor, built low-income housing in the slums, and won election as an alternate congressman on a Liberal Party ballot. At the same time, the trafficking in drugs supported many legal businesses throughout Latin America.

For instance, Argentina experienced a surge in hydrochloric acid exports to Bolivia in the s, an additive in the production of cocaine. In the earlier part of this century, Argentina witnessed a similar surge in ephedrine exports to Mexico, a critical ingredient in the production of methamphetamines.

Other events in the early s transformed the landscape of Colombian drug production and distribution.

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The extradition treaty between Colombia and the United States, which was signed in and enacted inprovoked a spike in violent crime by the cartel. The cartel responded by assassinating the Colombian minister of justice. While there, these traffickers attempted to negotiate a settlement with the Colombia government. The deal was refused due to pressure from the Reagan administration and Colombian popular resentment to negotiating with the cartel. As a result of the Colombian government's refusal of their offer, the cartel began to make new connections with Central American traffickers who introduced the cartel to Mexican heroin and marijuana smugglers and Mexican authorities willing to be bribed.

These ties opened Colombian cocaine to smuggling routes in the American southwest and set the stage for the rise of violent Mexican trafficking organizations. The Ochoa brothers turned themselves into Colombian officials in for lenient prison sentences and were released in Pablo Escobar was shot and killed with the help of U.

Carlos Lehder is serving a life sentence in a U. Bytraffickers had diverted forty percent of cocaine flowing into the United States from the historical Caribbean routes to transit networks along the U. Today, ninety percent of cocaine smuggled into the United States passes through Mexico. A Return to Mexico: The Tijuana and Gulf organizations joined forces after their respective leaders struck an agreement in prison. The so-called Federation emerged after agreements by leaders from the Sinaloa, Juarez and Valencia cartels.

Evidence suggests Mexican DTOs are working in conjunction with American gangs to distribute products such as methamphetamines. Mexican operations are mainly interested in the wholesale trade and leave the retail to American gangs. The emergence of enforcer gangs is a direct consequence of internal fighting among the Mexican DTOs. The most notorious of these gangs are the Zetas, originally employed by the Gulf Cartel as assassins on their behalf as well as its rivals.

This background allows the Zetas, who number between 31 and men, to carry out more complex operations and use more sophisticated weaponry.

Officials believe this organization controls trafficking routes along the eastern half of the U. This new conglomerate has begun to fight the Zetas, who are now viewed as having become too powerful and determined to take over the trade themselves. The violence long associated with Colombian drugs trade now characterizes the Mexican trafficking complex. Latin America and the Future of Narco-trafficking The many legal prohibitions and international efforts to eradicate illicit drugs, especially since the "war on drugs" began, have done little to end narco-trafficking.

  • As a result, Miami—the principal port of entry—became a virtual war zone, with a homicide rate of seventy per , in
  • This, and a tradition of tremendous political instability, contributed to its ascension to the global apex of the trafficking of illicit drugs;
  • The system also included as many as 50,000 additional seasonal workers, traffickers, security, financiers, and others.

Instead, they have tended only to influence the location of production and methods of distribution. Demand for these drugs and their attendant profitability continue to drive the cycles of manufacture and circulation of these products.

Traffickers are constantly adapting to the state of the market. Of the five principal illicit drugs trafficked into the United States, only cocaine is on the decline. The trafficking and availability of heroin, methamphetamines, marijuana, and ecstasy are all increasing, and Latin American DTOs are involved in four of the five commodities. Colombian DTOs are increasingly identifying new markets for cocaine. Europe is an attractive destination because profitability is similar to the U.

Law enforcement officials have noticed an increase of cocaine trafficked in Spain and United Kingdom as Colombians are using unstable West African states as transit nodes.

In addition, Colombians are penetrating Asian markets with greater intensity, using Hong Kong as a gateway into China and Thailand. The future of narco-trafficking in Mexico remains unclear. The Mexican state initiated a frontal assault inunder the aegis of President Felipe Calderon. Since then, more than 23, Mexicans have lost their lives. Inthere were 2, drug-related murders in Ciudad Juarez—a poignant contrast to El Paso, just on the other side of the Rio Grande, which had only ten homicides that year.

In response to the violence, grieving families have criticized this frontal assault policy, much of which is underwritten by U. Some have formed civil-society groups that demand a rethinking of policy and argue that trafficking must be controlled, but not at the expense of the larger Mexican social fabric. An open question concerns the Mexican Presidential election.

Certainly, the issue of trafficking will frame the campaign debates as many observers are predicting an almost certain victory for the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party PRIregardless of its candidate.